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Monday, January 02, 2012

Set Culture Free Mises Daily: Monday, January 02, 2012 by Joel Poindexter ArticleComments Also by Joel Poindexter AA 53 Recently Salon featured an interview with author Robert Levine, entitled "Does culture really want to be free?" Levine has written

Set Culture Free

Mises Daily: Monday, January 02, 2012 by 

A
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Copy Cats Ahead

Recently Salon featured an interview with author Robert Levine, entitled "Does culture really want to be free?" Levine has written a new book, Free Ride, on the subject of intellectual property (IP). His subtitle is How Digital Parasites Are Destroying the Culture Business and How the Culture Business Can Fight Back, the thesis of which is predicated on a misunderstanding of property rights and a poor grasp of economics.

In this essay I'll begin with a brief outline of property rights, explain how IP fails to meet the requirements of tangible property, and refute some of Levine's other fallacies.

Over time, property rights emerged as a way of mitigating conflict over scarce goods. If there is a finite amount of something, say hammers, it's possible that at some point conflict over the use of a tool may arise. Establishing property rights, and institutions to enforce those rights and arbitrate disputes, tends to reduce this conflict.

Economics and Ethics of Private Property - Digital Book

Hans Hermann-Hoppe explains this concept by using the Garden of Eden as an example, where everything is in abundance. However,

outside the Garden of Eden, in the realm of scarcity, there must be rules that regulate not only the use of [property] but also of everything scarce so that all possible conflicts can be ruled out (emphasis in original).

If there are an infinite number of hammers, or a device exists to infinitely reproduce them, then the problem of scarcity disappears, along with the need for property rights. Intellectual property is not a scarce commodity. Whether it is the design plans to a rocket engine, the arrangement of musical notes, or the pixels of a digital image is immaterial. None of these meet the scarcity requirement to necessitate property rights. Each can be infinitely reproduced, without denying their use by the original owner.

Levine and other advocates of IP rights view reproduction as theft. But theft is not a synonym for duplicate. A key element of theft is depriving the original owner of his or her property, which does not occur when an item is reproduced. Therefore, IP should not have the protection that scarce property enjoys.

In the course of the interview Levine quotes Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor regarding copyright and free speech. "The framers intended copyright itself to be the engine of free expression," she said. An interesting argument indeed, considering the actual wording from article 1, section 8 reads, "To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries…." There is nothing in that clause regarding free speech. The history of copyright laws is rooted not only in protection for guilds but also in censorship. So to suggest that copyrights are intended to secure rights to free expression could only be described as Orwellian.

Levine asserts that "copyright laws … create some kind of market for intellectual property." And he's right to one extent; they do create some kind of market. The question however is, is it the kind of market a free society would have? Certainly not; there is a market now, but rather than one based on spontaneous order and voluntary trade, it's one of central planning, which is predicated on coercion.

The market for intellectual property would, and does, exist independent of IP laws. There are no laws that seek to regulate the hat industry in the way that IP laws do music, and yet there remains a vibrant market for headwear. A market is nothing more than two or more individuals exchanging in commerce. There need not be for utilitarian reasons, nor should there be for moral reasons, government regulation of any industry.

Perhaps if the historical record supported Levine's thesis that government intervention is vital to the culture market we could at least find it plausible. To see that such regulation is not in fact necessary one need only look to the case of book publishing in the United States vis-à-vis England in the 19th century. Michele Boldrin and David K. Levine (no relation) did just that while researching for their book Against Intellectual Monopoly, and what they found is compelling.

During this period England had strict laws of copyright while publishers in the United States were free to reprint works from foreign authors. Despite the lack of legal protection, English authors and American publishing houses still found it profitable to contract with one another. In some cases these authors earned more in the United States than they did from royalties at home.

This relatively liberal set of copyright laws allowed books to be published on such a scale that their domestic price was but a fraction of what Britons paid. For example, a copy of Charles Dickens's A Christmas Carol was available in the United States for only 6¢, while the same book was available on English bookshelves for almost $2.50. The result of such low prices, as Boldrin and Levine point out, was that literacy rates in the United States were much higher.

We might also ask what explains great classical music. Jeffrey Tucker has noted that it was theabsence of IP laws that allowed composers to freely emulate and build on one another's works. Had IP laws been enforced in the manner they are today we would have missed out on so much of the great work. As Tucker explains, "There would be no progress in culture, ideas, or technology without [copying]."

Concerning the music business, Levine conflates low CD sales with a decline in total demand for music. But CDs aren't music; they're just one of many formats. It happens that they're becoming less desirable to consumers, as the principle of revealed preference has shown. Music downloads and streaming are increasingly becoming the most common media, and live performances are still the most lucrative aspect of the industry.

Many critics of digital downloading point to single-song sales as a terrible thing for artists. But this is only a terrible thing if the artist possesses marginal talent. Most people have probably experienced a time when they heard a song they liked on the radio and bought the CD, only to discover that overall it wasn't that good. Allowing consumers to buy one song at a time provides musicians an incentive to produce not one or two good songs for radio, but an entire record's worth of quality music.

Levine says in the interview,

Most online companies rely for their content, and hence for their money, on traditional media companies. If they destroy that business model, it's unclear what they're going to have to distribute. If you look at YouTube, eight of the top 10 videos are major-label music videos. If the major labels shrank to the point where they can't make videos, YouTube isn't much of a business.

These online companies are only the intermediary between producer and consumer, so it really doesn't matter who is creating content. Whether the traditional media companies or their business models survive or not, the Internet can still marry supply with demand. As far as clarity of what's going to be distributed is concerned, we can't know this a priori regardless of who's doing the production. Whether it's a traditional record label or an independent artist using YouTube to market himself, consumer preference will ultimately decide.

It does not follow that, because some of the highest-rated videos are from major labels, YouTube would become irrelevant for the business in their absence. All that shows is that major labels continue to provide the most popular products. If these traditional companies get left behind, there's still going to be a "top ten" on YouTube. The logical equivalent to his argument would be wringing our hands over Michael Phelps's eventual retirement from swimming. His departure won't mean that swimming as we know it will end; there will always be champion swimmers, and, who knows, maybe there's someone faster out there.

When asked to name the winners and losers following the digital age, Levine declares a short-term victory for the technology sector, and says the losers are large media companies. The long-term loser, he says, is everyone. Interestingly enough, he ignores the group that all of this is meant to serve: the consumers.

It is for consumers that businesses innovate, and artists create. In order to earn a profit, firms look to produce valuable goods; and to put food on the table artists hope to please their patrons. IP laws are nothing more than monopoly grants — and an affront to property rights in real things. In their absence, consumers would have access to more and better goods, because, without IP laws, emulation and improvement are possible.

Levine's conclusion that anything outside of the current scheme is going to result in the [destruction of the] "Culture Business" is shortsighted. It looks only at "what is seen" while ignoring "what is unseen." We see that big media and technology companies thrived. We don't see what could have come about as a result of copying, emulation, and, ultimately, improvement.

Fuente:misses org

Saludos
Rodrigo González Fernández
Diplomado en "Responsabilidad Social Empresarial" de la ONU
Diplomado en "Gestión del Conocimiento" de la ONU
Diplomado en Gerencia en Administracion Publica ONU
Diplomado en Coaching Ejecutivo ONU( 
  • PUEDES LEERNOS EN FACEBOOK
 
 
 
 CEL: 93934521
Santiago- Chile
Soliciten nuestros cursos de capacitación  y consultoría en GERENCIA ADMINISTRACION PUBLICA -LIDERAZGO -  GESTION DEL CONOCIMIENTO - RESPONSABILIDAD SOCIAL EMPRESARIAL – LOBBY – COACHING EMPRESARIAL-ENERGIAS RENOVABLES   ,  asesorías a nivel nacional e  internacional y están disponibles  para OTEC Y OTIC en Chile

Wednesday, December 28, 2011

Why the Left Is Losing the Argument over the Financial Crisis

Fair-minded people are persuaded by facts, not invective.

The day before Christmas, Joe Nocera did it again—wasted a perfectly good column with another attack on us, Peter Wallison and Ed Pinto.

It's worth reading for what it says about the Left's current situation. According to Nocera, we "almost single-handedly" have created a "myth that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac caused the financial crisis." Those who have fallen for this myth, according to Nocera, include congressional Republicans and the Wall Street Journal's editorial page.

It's somewhat implausible that two guys at a Washington think-tank, arguing that the financial crisis was caused by government housing policy, could create a widely accepted alternative to the conventional liberal narrative that the financial crisis was caused by the greed and lack of regulation of Wall Street. After all, the conventional narrative was created by the government, propagated by the New York Times, and accepted without question by just about every other major newspaper and electronic mass media outlet, foreign and domestic. Apparently, however, in Noceraworld, threats to the accepted narrative can never be fully suppressed.

It's somewhat implausible that two guys at a Washington think-tank could create a widely accepted alternative to the conventional liberal narrative that the financial crisis was caused by the greed and lack of regulation of Wall Street.

We doubt that we have been as successful as Nocera fears, but we believe that Nocera and his ilk are losing the argument about what caused the financial crisis. If in fact our views have received sufficient credence to warrant the alarm of the New York Times, a reading of his attack piece will tell you why. The article is fully representative of the Left's approach—don't bother with facts, just call your opposition liars or worse (racists) and leave it at that. This name-calling is then dutifully repeated throughout the leftwing echo-chamber.

To the extent that we have had any success in challenging the conventional narrative about the causes of the crisis, it is because fair-minded people are persuaded by facts, not invective. Our argument is and has been that the financial crisis would not have occurred but for government housing policy implemented principally through Fannie and Freddie and the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Although there were a number of such policies, the most important were the affordable housing requirements first imposed on Fannie and Freddie in 1992 and expanded and tightened by HUD through 2007.

Summarized below are the original numbers we relied on, taken from Fannie and Freddie's own data and from the views of bank regulators—and now supplemented with additional data from the Securities and Exchange Commission's recent complaints against certain officers of Fannie and Freddie. Of particular interest are Fannie and Freddie's non-prosecution agreements with the SEC, in which they agree with facts that confirm—and in many cases go beyond—our original research concerning the scope of the GSEs' subprime and Alt-A exposure. These are facts, and Nocera and others who might wish it otherwise should become familiar with them.

For example, in its non-prosecution agreement Freddie agreed that as of June 30, 2008, it had $244 billion in subprime loans, comprising 14 percent of its credit guaranty portfolio, rather than the $6 billion it had previously disclosed. Freddie also agreed that it had $541 billion in reduced documentation loans alone, vastly more than the $190 billion in previously disclosed Alt-A loans which Freddie had said included loans with reduced documentation.   

While the SEC documents about $1.03 trillion in previously undisclosed subprime and Alt-A loans in Fannie and Freddie's credit guaranty portfolios, an estimated $812.8 billion, or about 80 percent, were already accounted for in the totals of Fannie and Freddie subprime and Alt-A exposures included in Pinto's Forensic Study and Wallison's Dissent from the majority report of the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission.

The SEC findings add $219 billion and 1.43 million loans to our original Fannie and Freddie subprime and Alt-A totals, bringing the combined subprime and Alt-A total to $2.041 trillion and 13.37 million loans.

The SEC findings add $219 billion and 1.43 million loans to our original Fannie and Freddie subprime and Alt-A totals, bringing the combined subprime and Alt-A total to $2.041 trillion and 13.37 million loans.

All told, after adding the SEC's new data to our original estimates, there were approximately 28 million subprime and Alt-A loans outstanding on June 30, 2008, before the financial crisis, with a value of approximately $4.8 trillion. This was half of all mortgages in the United States. Of these loans, over 74 percent were on the books of U.S. government agencies and firms subject to government housing finance policies. This shows where the demand for these low quality loans came from. Fannie and Freddie were themselves exposed to more than 13 million subprime or Alt-A loans, or 65 percent of the government total.

The table below shows the values of the subprime and Alt-A loans originally included in Pinto's Forensic Study and Wallison's Dissent, supplemented by the data included in the SEC's complaints and the non-prosecution agreements.

Fannie and Freddie subprime and Alt-A totals as of June 30, 2008

(All numbers de-duped to eliminate inclusion in more than one category.)

Table in billions of dollars

Wallison Pinto Table 1

Peter J. Wallison is the Arthur F. Burns Fellow in Financial Policy Studies and Edward Pinto is a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

FURTHER READING: Wallison also writes "Where No Mortgage News Is Fit to Print," "A Guaranteed Disaster," and "The Financial Crisis on Trial." Pinto contributes "Cleaning House: The Financial Crisis and the GSEs," "Senate Undermines Obama—and the Country—on Housing," and "New Bubble May be Building in 30-Year Mortgages."

Footnotes

1 In 2001, federal regulators determined that a FICO score of less than 660 can be used to identify a subprime mortgage. http://www.federalreserve.gov/Boarddocs/SRletters/2001/sr0104a1.pdf

2 The GSEs published credit supplements at the time of their SEC filings. These supplements set forth loan characteristics with high risk. These included negative amortization, interest pnly, original LTV>90% (effectively >=95%), and Alt-A as disclosed by Fannie and Freddie.

3 In the case of both original LTV>90% and combined LTV>90%, the effective LTV is >=95%. In the case of original LTV>90%, this is confirmed by the fact that the LTV average for such loans was 97.4%. In the case of combined LTV, the 80/20 and 80/15 combinations would have resulted in a combined LTV>=95%.

4 These differ slightly from the Forensic Study/Dissent subtotals due to rounding and the need to change the de-duping hierarchy to incorporate the SEC additions.

5 $101.7 billion prior to de-duping.

6 $238 billion prior to de-duping.

7 $341 billion prior to de-duping.

8 $351 billion prior to de-duping.

Image by Bergman Group

Why the Left Is Losing the Argument over the Financial Crisis

27/12/2011 11:40

Fair-minded people are persuaded by facts, not invective.

The day before Christmas, Joe Nocera did it again—wasted a perfectly good column with another attack on us, Peter Wallison and Ed Pinto.

It's worth reading for what it says about the Left's current situation. According to Nocera, we "almost single-handedly" have created a "myth that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac caused the financial crisis." Those who have fallen for this myth, according to Nocera, include congressional Republicans and the Wall Street Journal's editorial page.

It's somewhat implausible that two guys at a Washington think-tank, arguing that the financial crisis was caused by government housing policy, could create a widely accepted alternative to the conventional liberal narrative that the financial crisis was caused by the greed and lack of regulation of Wall Street. After all, the conventional narrative was created by the government, propagated by the New York Times, and accepted without question by just about every other major newspaper and electronic mass media outlet, foreign and domestic. Apparently, however, in Noceraworld, threats to the accepted narrative can never be fully suppressed.

It's somewhat implausible that two guys at a Washington think-tank could create a widely accepted alternative to the conventional liberal narrative that the financial crisis was caused by the greed and lack of regulation of Wall Street.

We doubt that we have been as successful as Nocera fears, but we believe that Nocera and his ilk are losing the argument about what caused the financial crisis. If in fact our views have received sufficient credence to warrant the alarm of the New York Times, a reading of his attack piece will tell you why. The article is fully representative of the Left's approach—don't bother with facts, just call your opposition liars or worse (racists) and leave it at that. This name-calling is then dutifully repeated throughout the leftwing echo-chamber.

To the extent that we have had any success in challenging the conventional narrative about the causes of the crisis, it is because fair-minded people are persuaded by facts, not invective. Our argument is and has been that the financial crisis would not have occurred but for government housing policy implemented principally through Fannie and Freddie and the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Although there were a number of such policies, the most important were the affordable housing requirements first imposed on Fannie and Freddie in 1992 and expanded and tightened by HUD through 2007.

Summarized below are the original numbers we relied on, taken from Fannie and Freddie's own data and from the views of bank regulators—and now supplemented with additional data from the Securities and Exchange Commission's recent complaints against certain officers of Fannie and Freddie. Of particular interest are Fannie and Freddie's non-prosecution agreements with the SEC, in which they agree with facts that confirm—and in many cases go beyond—our original research concerning the scope of the GSEs' subprime and Alt-A exposure. These are facts, and Nocera and others who might wish it otherwise should become familiar with them.

For example, in its non-prosecution agreement Freddie agreed that as of June 30, 2008, it had $244 billion in subprime loans, comprising 14 percent of its credit guaranty portfolio, rather than the $6 billion it had previously disclosed. Freddie also agreed that it had $541 billion in reduced documentation loans alone, vastly more than the $190 billion in previously disclosed Alt-A loans which Freddie had said included loans with reduced documentation.   

While the SEC documents about $1.03 trillion in previously undisclosed subprime and Alt-A loans in Fannie and Freddie's credit guaranty portfolios, an estimated $812.8 billion, or about 80 percent, were already accounted for in the totals of Fannie and Freddie subprime and Alt-A exposures included in Pinto's Forensic Study and Wallison's Dissent from the majority report of the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission.

The SEC findings add $219 billion and 1.43 million loans to our original Fannie and Freddie subprime and Alt-A totals, bringing the combined subprime and Alt-A total to $2.041 trillion and 13.37 million loans.

The SEC findings add $219 billion and 1.43 million loans to our original Fannie and Freddie subprime and Alt-A totals, bringing the combined subprime and Alt-A total to $2.041 trillion and 13.37 million loans.

All told, after adding the SEC's new data to our original estimates, there were approximately 28 million subprime and Alt-A loans outstanding on June 30, 2008, before the financial crisis, with a value of approximately $4.8 trillion. This was half of all mortgages in the United States. Of these loans, over 74 percent were on the books of U.S. government agencies and firms subject to government housing finance policies. This shows where the demand for these low quality loans came from. Fannie and Freddie were themselves exposed to more than 13 million subprime or Alt-A loans, or 65 percent of the government total.

The table below shows the values of the subprime and Alt-A loans originally included in Pinto's Forensic Study and Wallison's Dissent, supplemented by the data included in the SEC's complaints and the non-prosecution agreements.

Fannie and Freddie subprime and Alt-A totals as of June 30, 2008

(All numbers de-duped to eliminate inclusion in more than one category.)

Table in billions of dollars

Wallison Pinto Table 1

Peter J. Wallison is the Arthur F. Burns Fellow in Financial Policy Studies and Edward Pinto is a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

FURTHER READING: Wallison also writes "Where No Mortgage News Is Fit to Print," "A Guaranteed Disaster," and "The Financial Crisis on Trial." Pinto contributes "Cleaning House: The Financial Crisis and the GSEs," "Senate Undermines Obama—and the Country—on Housing," and "New Bubble May be Building in 30-Year Mortgages."

Footnotes

1 In 2001, federal regulators determined that a FICO score of less than 660 can be used to identify a subprime mortgage. http://www.federalreserve.gov/Boarddocs/SRletters/2001/sr0104a1.pdf

2 The GSEs published credit supplements at the time of their SEC filings. These supplements set forth loan characteristics with high risk. These included negative amortization, interest pnly, original LTV>90% (effectively >=95%), and Alt-A as disclosed by Fannie and Freddie.

3 In the case of both original LTV>90% and combined LTV>90%, the effective LTV is >=95%. In the case of original LTV>90%, this is confirmed by the fact that the LTV average for such loans was 97.4%. In the case of combined LTV, the 80/20 and 80/15 combinations would have resulted in a combined LTV>=95%.

4 These differ slightly from the Forensic Study/Dissent subtotals due to rounding and the need to change the de-duping hierarchy to incorporate the SEC additions.

5 $101.7 billion prior to de-duping.

6 $238 billion prior to de-duping.

7 $341 billion prior to de-duping.

8 $351 billion prior to de-duping.

Image by Bergman Group

Fair-minded people are persuaded by facts, not invective.

The day before Christmas, Joe Nocera did it again—wasted a perfectly good column with another attack on us, Peter Wallison and Ed Pinto.

It's worth reading for what it says about the Left's current situation. According to Nocera, we "almost single-handedly" have created a "myth that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac caused the financial crisis." Those who have fallen for this myth, according to Nocera, include congressional Republicans and the Wall Street Journal's editorial page.

It's somewhat implausible that two guys at a Washington think-tank, arguing that the financial crisis was caused by government housing policy, could create a widely accepted alternative to the conventional liberal narrative that the financial crisis was caused by the greed and lack of regulation of Wall Street. After all, the conventional narrative was created by the government, propagated by the New York Times, and accepted without question by just about every other major newspaper and electronic mass media outlet, foreign and domestic. Apparently, however, in Noceraworld, threats to the accepted narrative can never be fully suppressed.

It's somewhat implausible that two guys at a Washington think-tank could create a widely accepted alternative to the conventional liberal narrative that the financial crisis was caused by the greed and lack of regulation of Wall Street.

We doubt that we have been as successful as Nocera fears, but we believe that Nocera and his ilk are losing the argument about what caused the financial crisis. If in fact our views have received sufficient credence to warrant the alarm of the New York Times, a reading of his attack piece will tell you why. The article is fully representative of the Left's approach—don't bother with facts, just call your opposition liars or worse (racists) and leave it at that. This name-calling is then dutifully repeated throughout the leftwing echo-chamber.

To the extent that we have had any success in challenging the conventional narrative about the causes of the crisis, it is because fair-minded people are persuaded by facts, not invective. Our argument is and has been that the financial crisis would not have occurred but for government housing policy implemented principally through Fannie and Freddie and the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Although there were a number of such policies, the most important were the affordable housing requirements first imposed on Fannie and Freddie in 1992 and expanded and tightened by HUD through 2007.

Summarized below are the original numbers we relied on, taken from Fannie and Freddie's own data and from the views of bank regulators—and now supplemented with additional data from the Securities and Exchange Commission's recent complaints against certain officers of Fannie and Freddie. Of particular interest are Fannie and Freddie's non-prosecution agreements with the SEC, in which they agree with facts that confirm—and in many cases go beyond—our original research concerning the scope of the GSEs' subprime and Alt-A exposure. These are facts, and Nocera and others who might wish it otherwise should become familiar with them.

For example, in its non-prosecution agreement Freddie agreed that as of June 30, 2008, it had $244 billion in subprime loans, comprising 14 percent of its credit guaranty portfolio, rather than the $6 billion it had previously disclosed. Freddie also agreed that it had $541 billion in reduced documentation loans alone, vastly more than the $190 billion in previously disclosed Alt-A loans which Freddie had said included loans with reduced documentation.   

While the SEC documents about $1.03 trillion in previously undisclosed subprime and Alt-A loans in Fannie and Freddie's credit guaranty portfolios, an estimated $812.8 billion, or about 80 percent, were already accounted for in the totals of Fannie and Freddie subprime and Alt-A exposures included in Pinto's Forensic Study and Wallison's Dissent from the majority report of the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission.

The SEC findings add $219 billion and 1.43 million loans to our original Fannie and Freddie subprime and Alt-A totals, bringing the combined subprime and Alt-A total to $2.041 trillion and 13.37 million loans.

The SEC findings add $219 billion and 1.43 million loans to our original Fannie and Freddie subprime and Alt-A totals, bringing the combined subprime and Alt-A total to $2.041 trillion and 13.37 million loans.

All told, after adding the SEC's new data to our original estimates, there were approximately 28 million subprime and Alt-A loans outstanding on June 30, 2008, before the financial crisis, with a value of approximately $4.8 trillion. This was half of all mortgages in the United States. Of these loans, over 74 percent were on the books of U.S. government agencies and firms subject to government housing finance policies. This shows where the demand for these low quality loans came from. Fannie and Freddie were themselves exposed to more than 13 million subprime or Alt-A loans, or 65 percent of the government total.

The table below shows the values of the subprime and Alt-A loans originally included in Pinto's Forensic Study and Wallison's Dissent, supplemented by the data included in the SEC's complaints and the non-prosecution agreements.

Fannie and Freddie subprime and Alt-A totals as of June 30, 2008

(All numbers de-duped to eliminate inclusion in more than one category.)

Table in billions of dollars

Wallison Pinto Table 1

Peter J. Wallison is the Arthur F. Burns Fellow in Financial Policy Studies and Edward Pinto is a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.


Fuente:

Saludos
Rodrigo González Fernández
Diplomado en "Responsabilidad Social Empresarial" de la ONU
Diplomado en "Gestión del Conocimiento" de la ONU
Diplomado en Gerencia en Administracion Publica ONU
Diplomado en Coaching Ejecutivo ONU( 
  • PUEDES LEERNOS EN FACEBOOK
 
 
 
 CEL: 93934521
Santiago- Chile
Soliciten nuestros cursos de capacitación  y consultoría en GERENCIA ADMINISTRACION PUBLICA -LIDERAZGO -  GESTION DEL CONOCIMIENTO - RESPONSABILIDAD SOCIAL EMPRESARIAL – LOBBY – COACHING EMPRESARIAL-ENERGIAS RENOVABLES   ,  asesorías a nivel nacional e  internacional y están disponibles  para OTEC Y OTIC en Chile