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Tuesday, October 09, 2012

El sistema jurídico Honduras está compuesto por muchas leyes que son mejor interpretadas por personas con un grado de la ley hondureña apropiado.



El sistema jurídico Honduras está compuesto por muchas leyes que son mejor interpretadas por personas con un grado de la ley hondureña apropiado.

Se aconseja que una obtener un abogado hondureño (abogado o abogada) antes de entrar en cualquier contrato legal en el país, ya sea por propiedad o el empleo.

Los turistas, empresarios y residentes de Honduras son huéspedes en un país soberano, y están sujetos a las leyes de Honduras. Por tanto, es una buena idea leer sitio web de su país embajada antes de la visita, con el fin de familiarizarse con las posibles diferencias inesperadas en los derechos legales de una persona.

Por ejemplo, de acuerdo con el Código de Procedimiento Penal de Honduras, una persona detenida en Honduras se puede conservar hasta 24 horas, mientras que las autoridades investigar u obtener evidencia suficiente para sustentar la acusación contra esa persona. El detenido puede ser retenido en las dependencias de la policía de investigación criminal (Dirección Nacional de Investigación [DGIC]) o la policía local (Policía Preventiva). El procedimiento judicial en materia penal consiste en un período inicial de 24 horas de detención, seguido de un 6 días de instrucción período, y una audiencia inicial. La audiencia de acusación sigue, y luego de un juicio, el veredicto y la sentencia. Tenga en cuenta que un juicio puede demorarse hasta un período de dos años desde el momento de la detención. Sentencia del Tribunal durante un ensayo consta de tres magistrados y jurados no. El veredicto se hizo inmediatamente después del cierre de la prueba. La sentencia será pronunciada en audiencia separada, que deberá tener lugar dentro de los 30 días después de la sentencia que se dictó.
Honduras Leyes

El más alto tribunal de justicia es la Corte Suprema de Justicia de Honduras (Corte Suprema de Justicia de Honduras - CSJ), encabezado en ese momento por el Dr. Jorge Rivera Avilés. Todas las leyes son revisados ​​antes de su aprobación para garantizar que se encuentran dentro de los lineamientos de la Constitución de la República de Honduras .

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Dile a tus amigos acerca de este artículo Honduras

Fuente:

Saludos
Rodrigo González Fernández
Diplomado en "Responsabilidad Social Empresarial" de la ONU
Diplomado en "Gestión del Conocimiento" de la ONU
Diplomado en Gerencia en Administracion Publica ONU
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Mises Daily My Real Education

My Real Education

Mises Daily:Tuesday, October 09, 2012 by

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[The following is a transcript of remarks delivered in a video for Mises.org/30.]

As some of you may know, I wrote a book in 2009 called Meltdown. It spent ten weeks on the New York Times bestseller list, had a foreword by Ron Paul, and was about the financial crisis of 2008. I wrote it because I could see there was a conventional wisdom developing according to which the financial crisis was caused by — and you'll never guess — the free market, and the government needs more power.

All of this we've heard a million times before, and I wanted to get a different view out there before the public. I was able to get the first book on this subject out on the market. I had a cooperative publisher that helped me get it out there quickly, and I worked on it very hard and very quickly.

How was I able to do that? Was it entirely my own merits? It was because of the training I got as a student from the Ludwig von Mises Institute. When I was in college, I went to one of their week-long summer seminars (Mises University). It changed the way I looked at the world forever. And now as a result, when this opportunity arose to get our position out there before the public, I was able to do it quickly because I had the knowledge thanks to the Mises Institute.

This year, the Mises Institute celebrates 30 years of teaching Austrian School economics in the tradition of Ludwig von Mises, F.A. Hayek, and Murray Rothbard, and of helping to spread the pure philosophy of freedom. This is not some milquetoast public-policy think tank that writes inane policy reports about how nice it would be if we could get the Department of Agriculture to be 10 percent more free market than it is now. No, this is the real thing.

When Ron Paul called attention to the Austrian School in 2008 — the first time most people had ever heard of it — it was the Mises Institute that people looked to for resources, because when you Google "Austrian economics," what you find is the enormous amount of resources available at the Mises Institute — all the seminars, the online resources, the books, the articles: everything. That's where people went.

And it is the Austrian School that is educating both the general public and the intellectual leaders of the future. There are economists coming out of the Mises Institute who are so brilliant that I hardly feel worthy to stand in their presence. These are people who are going to change the intellectual life of this country.

There are a lot of people who say, "help fund my organization: we're doing a lot of good work" — and maybe they are. But with the Mises Institute, you are actually helping to change the world. We have got the Federal Reserve and all the other central planners on the run, and it is the Mises Institute that is keeping up the pressure.

So I want to urge you to help support the Mises Institute in this wonderful 30th year of its important work by taking part in its 30-for-30 campaign — pledging to make a monthly donation of $30 for the 30 years the Mises Institute has been in existence. Make a monthly pledge of $30 dollars — or any kind of pledge you can make — by going to Mises.org/30. You will be doing something very important, very special, and yes — you are helping to change history. Support the Mises Institute.

Fuente:

Saludos
Rodrigo González Fernández
Diplomado en "Responsabilidad Social Empresarial" de la ONU
Diplomado en "Gestión del Conocimiento" de la ONU
Diplomado en Gerencia en Administracion Publica ONU
Diplomado en Coaching Ejecutivo ONU( 
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 CEL: 93934521
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Soliciten nuestros cursos de capacitación  y consultoría en GERENCIA ADMINISTRACION PUBLICA -LIDERAZGO -  GESTION DEL CONOCIMIENTO - RESPONSABILIDAD SOCIAL EMPRESARIAL – LOBBY – COACHING EMPRESARIAL-ENERGIAS RENOVABLES   ,  asesorías a nivel nacional e  internacional y están disponibles  para OTEC Y OTIC en Chile

Friday, September 21, 2012

Trina Solar Publishes 2011 Corporate Social Responsibility Report

Published 2012-09-20 13:48:34

Trina Solar Limited today announced it has published its 2011 Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) Report.

The Report demonstrates Trina Solar's social responsibility performance for the 2011 calendar year and consolidates the Company's reporting on economy, environment, people and community. The Report explains Trina Solar's vision and policy with respect to corporate social responsibility, while highlighting management's approach, activities and initiatives, as well as Trina Solar's key CSR performance indicators in 2011. The updated 2011 Corporate Social Responsibility Report follows the Company's CSR-themed Sustainable Development Report for 2010, which was published in September 2011.

To assist its key stakeholders in understanding and assessing Trina Solar's sustainability impacts, risks and opportunities, the Report addresses key information of relevance to investors, customers, and suppliers, as well as social responsibility analysts, NGOs, media and governments, in the growing markets where Trina Solar conducts its business. Through the 2011 CSR Report, Trina Solar continues to broaden transparencies to provide the information of most significance to its stakeholder segments and with whom the Company unites around its commitment to "powering a better tomorrow together".

"We are pleased with our efforts made in corporate social responsibility, which we view as a key component of our success in sustainable development," said Mr. Jifan Gao, Chairman and CEO of Trina Solar. "We will continue our endeavors in leading the solar industry in the healthy development of sustainable energy."

"As a measure of our commitments, Trina Solar ranked first among global Photovoltaic manufacturers in the 2012 Solar Company Scorecard, an award system established by the Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition ("SVTC")," said Mr. Zhenxiang Zhao, Trina Solar's Director of Environmental Health and Safety. "This ranking includes metrics on product recycling, the reduction of toxic materials during production, the creation of green jobs, as well as relevant information disclosures."

To create value for all stakeholders, Trina Solar continues to innovate in order to enhance its competitive advantages and deliver environmental bene­fits for everyone. Since its founding 15 years ago, Trina Solar has become an industry leader through innovative leadership, corporate transparency and a broad range of global collaborations. 

 

Source: Trina Solar
Perfiles en ENF para compañías mencionadas en este artículo

Trina Solar (Componentes): http://www.enf.com.cn/directory/component/2391 
Trina Solar (Materiales solares): http://www.enf.com.cn/directory/material/2391 
Trina Solar (Paneles solares): http://www.enf.com.cn/directory/panel/2391 
Trina Solar (Instaladores): http://www.enf.com.cn/directory/installer/2391 
PV industry news is republished free of charge, please send your news to news@enfsolar.com
Fuente:

Saludos
Rodrigo González Fernández
Diplomado en "Responsabilidad Social Empresarial" de la ONU
Diplomado en "Gestión del Conocimiento" de la ONU
Diplomado en Gerencia en Administracion Publica ONU
Diplomado en Coaching Ejecutivo ONU( 
  • PUEDES LEERNOS EN FACEBOOK
 
 
 
 CEL: 93934521
Santiago- Chile
Soliciten nuestros cursos de capacitación  y consultoría en GERENCIA ADMINISTRACION PUBLICA -LIDERAZGO -  GESTION DEL CONOCIMIENTO - RESPONSABILIDAD SOCIAL EMPRESARIAL – LOBBY – COACHING EMPRESARIAL-ENERGIAS RENOVABLES   ,  asesorías a nivel nacional e  internacional y están disponibles  para OTEC Y OTIC en Chile

Tuesday, September 11, 2012

MISES ORG: Man, Economy, and State at 50

Man, Economy, and State at 50

Mises Daily: Tuesday, September 11, 2012 by

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[This review originally appeared in the Freeman, September 2012.]

Based on art by Tim Kelly done for TheFreemanOnline.org
Based on art by Tim Kelly done for TheFreemanOnline.org

This year marks the 50th anniversary of the 1962 publication of Murray Rothbard's grand treatise, Man, Economy, and State (MES). I was humbled when asked to write an appreciation of this indispensable work of Austrian economics. Rather than discussing the book's obvious role in the modern revival of Austrian ideas, I decided to focus on the book itself.

Rothbard originally intended his work to be a textbook treatment of Ludwig von Mises's own magnum opus, Human Action, which had come out in 1949. Indeed, Herbert C. Cornuelle, president of the Volcker Fund, was the one to pitch this idea to Rothbard that very year. Rothbard prepared an outline and a sample chapter on money, then received the blessing of Mises himself to go forward.

However, as Joseph Stromberg chronicles in exquisite detail in his introduction to the Mises Institute's Scholar's Edition of MES (2004), upon embarking on the project Rothbard eventually realized that a mere textbook would not be adequate. Cornuelle had visited Rothbard and asked if he thought the work should become a treatise in its own right. Rothbard pondered the question and eventually wrote in response (in February 1954),

The original concept of this project was as a step-by-step, spelled-out version of Mises' Human Action. However, as I have been proceeding, the necessary elaborations on the sometimes sparse framework of Mises has led inevitably to new and original presentations. Now that I have been proceeding to the theory of production where the whole cost-curve situation has to be faced, Mises is not much of a guide in this area. It is an area which encompasses a large part of present-day textbooks, and therefore must be met, in one way or another.… A further complication has arisen. A textbook, traditionally, is supposed to simply present already-received doctrine in a clear, step-by step manner. But not only would my textbook fly in the face of the doctrine as received by 99 percent of present-day economists, but there is one particularly vital point on which Mises, and all other economists, will have to be revised: monopoly theory.

Thus we see that Rothbard eventually realized that he was writing a brand new treatise, resting on the Misesian edifice to be sure, but one that was Rothbard's own. Not only did Rothbard differ from Mises on certain key points (some of which will be discussed below), but even where their treatments were compatible, Rothbard's was the clearer and more systematic.

The fundamental difference between Human Action and MES is that the latter is completely self-contained. The intelligent layperson with no prior exposure to any economics can read just Rothbard's treatise and walk away understanding the core of orthodox Austrian theory. In contrast, Mises's classic work assumes a great deal of background knowledge on the part of the reader, including Kantian philosophy, the classical theory of value, and Böhm-Bawerkian capital and interest theory(!). None of this is meant to belittle Mises's work but merely to underscore that I personally always point the dedicated newcomer to MES first, and only then to Human Action.

Rothbard initially follows in Mises's footsteps by categorizing economics as a subset of praxeology, which is the science of human action. According to Rothbard, starting from the basic axiom that human beings act — that they consciously use means to (attempt to) achieve desired goals — one can logically deduce the entire body of economic principles or laws.

It is interesting to read Rothbard's description (in a March 1951 letter to Cornuelle) of his method of attack:

What I have in mind for a textbook would be a pioneering project.… At each step, the reader would be enlightened through simple, hypothetical examples, until, slowly but relentlessly, he would find himself equipped to tackle the economic problems of the day.… [T]hrough this method, even the most confirmed socialist, would step-by-step, beginning with simple praxeological axioms, at the end, suddenly find himself realizing the absurdity of his socialist and interventionist beliefs. He would become a libertarian in spite of himself.

At this point, let me clarify something that I know, from firsthand experience, has puzzled many students of the Austrian movement. Sometimes in their zeal for doctrinal purity, self-described Rothbardians will label one group of economists "Misesians" to distinguish them (presumably) from other economists who are not Misesians. This strikes some as odd, since Rothbard himself differed with Mises on areas such as monopoly theory, the feasibility of free-market legal and defense services, and the possibility of constructing a rational system of ethics.

Whether helpful or otherwise, what Rothbardians mean by "Misesian" concerns the important issue of the very foundation of economic law. If an economist thinks that economic principles are logical deductions from self-evident axioms — analogous to geometry — then he or she is a "Misesian" in this sense.

On the other hand, if an economist thinks that tentative economic laws must be used to generate falsifiable predictions that are then (if possible) subjected to empirical tests — analogous to the physical sciences — then he or she would be classified as a (non-Misesian) positivist, even though such an economist might reach similar free-market policy conclusions with this alternate method.

Following Mises, Rothbard and his modern disciples argue that sound economic theory is logically antecedent to empirical investigation. If trying to understand the causes of the Great Depression, for example, one can't simply "let the facts speak for themselves," because there are infinite possible facts one could assemble for the purpose. (What was the mass of the moon on February 16, 1923, at exactly noon GMT, and might it have had something to do with the 1929 stock market crash?) Indeed, the very concepts of money, interest rates, and so forth are themselves theory-laden; one needs to have a praxeological foundation to even perceive such categories, because they don't exist "out there" in "the real world" the way a naive positivist might suggest.

Professor Joseph Salerno once told Rothbard that Rothbard had incorporated the capital theory of Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk into his exposition far more thoroughly than Mises had done in his own works. For those of us who read MES in our youth, we take this for granted, but Salerno's observation is perfectly correct: Rothbard takes the crucial yet at times mind-numbingly dry treatments of Austrian capital theory from the masters (mainly Carl Menger, Böhm-Bawerk, and F.A. Hayek) and distills them into a very readable discussion. He caps it all off with a beautiful diagram (appearing in the beginning of chapter 6, "Production: The Rate of Interest and Its Determination") that I have described as the superior Austrian version of the mainstream's "Circular Flow Diagram."

Rothbard's diagram takes the famous Hayekian triangle illustrating the structure of production and rotates it 90 degrees to the right, so that what is considered the earliest, or "highest," stage of production actually is the highest bar on the diagram. At each step moving downward, the goods-in-process have moved through another period of work, where further inputs of land, labor, and capital goods have been applied, transforming the capital goods ever closer to the ultimate consumer goods.

Rothbard's ingenious construction allows for an "economy-wide" accounting, where the capitalists earn the correct rate of return on their investments each period and where the net incomes earned by the capitalists, land owners, and laborers each period sum to the total spent on the finished consumer goods emerging from the bottom of the production "pipeline" that period.

I say that Rothbard's diagram is the answer to the mainstream "circular flow" because it does everything the latter does — namely, it shows how money "circulates" around the economy so that one person's expenditure is another's income — but it does so much more. In Rothbard's diagram, one can immediately see the distinction between net and gross investment. Because Rothbard wanted (initially) to depict a steady-state equilibrium (what Mises called the "evenly rotating economy," or ERE), there is no net saving or investment in the economy depicted in Rothbard's schematic. Using traditional mainstream tools (income = consumption + investment + government spending + net exports, or Y = C+I+G+Nx), we would therefore conclude that this hypothetical economy, with no government or foreign market, was driven 100 percent by domestic consumer spending. Yet, as the diagram makes crystal clear, each period it takes far more gross investment than consumer spending (318 ounces of gold versus 100 ounces) just to keep the system running smoothly. If the capitalists for some reason decided not to plow back most of their gross earnings into replenishing their supplies and hiring new land and labor factors, then the complex structure would soon break down and the consumption goods would stop shooting out of the pipeline.

In addition to illustrating the long-run equilibrium relationships among time preference (the higher valuation of present goods versus comparable future goods), factor pricing, and the stages of production, Rothbard's diagrammatic exposition also makes it easy to show the impact of a decrease in time preference. In this case, consumers restrict their spending on final consumption goods, the "spread" or mark-up narrows between the prices of capital goods in each successive stage of production, and the entire structure becomes taller, so that the original land and labor inputs are invested for a longer average period. These processes were described by Böhm-Bawerk and Hayek, of course, but Rothbard's exposition makes the whole affair much more comprehensible to a beginner.

If I have spent an unusual amount of time discussing a single diagram from Rothbard's thousand-plus-page tome, it is because I think it encapsulates literally weeks of study on the Austrian approach to economics. I have spent almost entire lectures walking my students through the diagram to make sure they understand exactly how it works and to see just how much knowledge is packed into its deceptively simple appearance. I don't think it's an exaggeration to say that if one comprehends exactly what Rothbard is doing in that simple diagram, then one will grasp the Austrian critique of Alan Greenspan and Ben Bernanke.

Throughout the book Rothbard makes original contributions, but they are often in the form of making a received point a little more crisply, or by filling in a gap in the standard case for a familiar conclusion. When it comes to monopoly theory, however, Rothbard overturns the tables and starts from scratch.

He begins his treatment by challenging the very notion of "consumers' sovereignty" as developed by William Hutt. Hutt (and later Mises) used the term to convey the notion that the "customer is always right" and that through their spending decisions the consumers in a market economy ultimately allocate resources to competing ends.

Rothbard rejected the term on the grounds of both accuracy and strategy. Strictly speaking, it was simply not true to say that consumers were somehow "sovereign" over producers. Yes, consumers were free to withhold their money, but by the same token business owners were free to withhold their products, and workers were free to withhold their labor. Instead of exhibiting consumers' sovereignty, Rothbard felt the free market demonstrated individual self-sovereignty.

Rothbard also disliked the term for strategic reasons, because the notion of "consumers' sovereignty" could be used as an ideal benchmark with which to criticize the performance of the real-world market. That is precisely what happened (with the related notion of "perfect competition") in mainstream welfare economics.

During his preliminary discussion of monopoly, Rothbard makes some brilliant observations. For example, he points out that most economists and the general public are horrified by the formation of a cartel, while they look with favor on the creation of a corporation. Yet the processes are quite similar, involving individuals pooling their resources into a unified enterprise. Rothbard also generalizes Mises's calculation argument as originally applied to a socialist state to show that no single firm could ever encompass the entire economy.

After this and other warm-up sections, Rothbard goes for the throat: He denies the very existence of a so-called competitive price with which to contrast the allegedly inefficient "monopoly price." Instead Rothbard offers the free-market price, the only benchmark that can be discussed coherently.

In addition to his positive exposition of sound Austrian economics, Rothbard fills MES with critiques of rival doctrines. I am particularly fond of his discussion of Keynesian economics. The critiques have lost some of their force over the decades, because a typical Keynesian textbook no longer bases its policy conclusions on the arguments that were common when Rothbard was writing. Even so, Rothbard's demonstrations are a joy to behold.

My personal favorite is his reductio ad absurdum of the multiplier (based on a similar argument by Henry Hazlitt). After reviewing the standard Keynesian case (at the time) that new investment spending will have a "multiplier" impact on total income, Rothbard uses the same approach to "prove" that the reader of his book has a much higher multiplier still. Specifically, Rothbard sets out a few equations showing that "Social Income" is equal to the "Income of the Reader" plus the "Income of everyone else." Then he uses some empirical observation to discover that the "Income of everyone else" is 0.99999 times "Social Income." After some algebra, Rothbard concludes that "Social Income" is 100,000 times the "Income of the Reader." The consistent Keynesian, Rothbard notes, should then advocate that the government print up dollars and hand them to the reader of Rothbard's book, because the "reader's spending will prime the pump of a 100,000-fold increase in the national income."

Fifty years after its initial publication, Murray Rothbard's grand treatise still holds up. If anyone considers himself or herself a fan of Austrian economics and has yet to try Man, Economy, and State, I promise you are in for a treat.

Fuente:

Saludos
Rodrigo González Fernández
Diplomado en "Responsabilidad Social Empresarial" de la ONU
Diplomado en "Gestión del Conocimiento" de la ONU
Diplomado en Gerencia en Administracion Publica ONU
Diplomado en Coaching Ejecutivo ONU( 
  • PUEDES LEERNOS EN FACEBOOK
 
 
 
 CEL: 93934521
Santiago- Chile
Soliciten nuestros cursos de capacitación  y consultoría en GERENCIA ADMINISTRACION PUBLICA -LIDERAZGO -  GESTION DEL CONOCIMIENTO - RESPONSABILIDAD SOCIAL EMPRESARIAL – LOBBY – COACHING EMPRESARIAL-ENERGIAS RENOVABLES   ,  asesorías a nivel nacional e  internacional y están disponibles  para OTEC Y OTIC en Chile

Thursday, August 30, 2012

. Mises Daily on the Government's Guns

Gun Control — on the Government's Guns

Mises Daily: Thursday, August 30, 2012 by

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The recent mass shootings in Aurora, Colorado, and then in Oak Creek, Wisconsin, have led to renewed demands for "gun control" aimed ultimately at depriving the individual citizen of his constitutional right to keep and bear arms. It is believed that if the individual were deprived of this right, such shootings would not take place, because of the sheer lack of available weaponry.

Let me say immediately that I too believe in gun control. However, I do so in the light of the knowledge that by far the largest number and the most powerful guns and other weapons are in the possession of the government. First and foremost, of course, the federal government, which has atomic and hydrogen bombs, as well as ballistic missiles with which to deliver them, fleets of warships, and thousands upon thousands of tanks, planes, artillery pieces, machine guns, and lesser weapons. State and local governments also possess considerable weaponry, though less than the federal government. But just the revolvers, rifles, shot guns, clubs, tear gas, and tasers in their possession are capable of causing serious injury and death, and frequently do so.

Moreover, the threat of deadly force is implicitly present in every law, regulation, ruling, or decree that emanates from any government office, at any level. The threat of such force is what compels obedience on the part of the citizens. Even such an innocuous offense as a parking violation is capable of resulting in death if a person persists in not paying the fine imposed and, when ultimately confronted with arrest, resists by physically defending himself.

Literally everything the government does is ultimately a threat to point a gun at someone and use it if necessary. If this were not the case, the law, regulation, ruling, or whatever, would be without force or effect. People would be free to ignore it if they wished. Because of the government's implicit threat to use deadly force to uphold its decisions, any meaningful program of gun control must above all focus on strictly controlling and regulating the activities of the government.

The government possesses overwhelming power to respond to the use of force by common criminals. That is its basic domestic function. The very existence of laws against such crimes as murder, robbery, and rape serves as a control on the use of force, including the use of guns, by the potential perpetrators of such acts, because it constitutes a deterrent to them. The more efficient the government is in apprehending the perpetrators of such acts and the more certain is their appropriate punishment, the greater is the deterrent, and thus the more effective is the implicit gun control.

Our entire Constitution and Bill of Rights are essential measures of gun control — this time, gun control directed against the government. For example, the First Amendment prohibits the government from using its guns to abridge the freedoms of speech or press. The Second Amendment prohibits the government from using its guns to abridge the freedom of the citizen to keep and bear arms. Indirectly, the Second Amendment also operates to limit the government's use of its guns to abridge freedom in general. This is because, in our system of checks and balances, an armed citizenry constitutes a check on the possibility of the government becoming tyrannical and attempting to use its power to threaten the citizens' lives and property. It should be understood as protecting a balance between the power remaining in the hands of the people and the power they have delegated to their government. Indeed, the language of the Second Amendment — "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed" — should be understood in this way.

"The largest number and the most powerful guns and other weapons are in the possession of the government."

The average American of today is intellectually so far removed from his forebears that instead of regarding government with apprehension, he is more likely to regard it as a virtual parent, concerned only with protecting and helping him. Evil, he believes, can come only from uncontrolled private individuals, notably greedy businessmen and capitalists and, now and then, psychopaths such as the murderers in Aurora and Oak Creek. And in these cases, of course, the solution is believed to be still more government power — power to tax, regulate, and control the businessmen and capitalists to the point of extinction and power ultimately to deprive private individuals of the right to own guns.

It simply doesn't occur to many people nowadays that government could be the source not only of massive economic ills but of human deaths on a scale dwarfing the deaths caused by the worst individual psychopaths. The number of murders attributable to governments around the world in the 20th century, including those resulting from government-caused famines in places such as the Ukraine and Communist China, is estimated to exceed 260 million. Of this total, Communist China is responsible for more than 76 million, the Soviet Union for almost 62 million, and Nazi Germany for almost 21 million (R.J. Rummel, Death By Government [New Brunswick, N.J., Transaction Publishers, 1994], note 1). Of particular note, approximately 2 million of the murders committed by Nazi Germany were in the form of mass shootings, similar in nature to those in Aurora and Oak Creek, but performed on a scale commensurate with the size of military units.

These were the dreaded SS Einsatzgruppen, sent into Soviet Russia behind the advancing German armies for the express purpose of murdering as many Jews as they could find. Organized into units ranging in size from platoons to battalions, approximately 3,000 government-employed psychopathic killers were set to work in a program of systematic mass murder. Unlike the recent horrors committed by the two American psychopaths, the horrors committed by these government-employed psychopaths were not limited to one time in just one day before they came to an end. No. They were repeated many times in a day, day after day, for months on end.

Again and again, hundreds and thousands of defenseless people, including women and children, were shot down, often machine-gunned in front of trenches they had been made to dig and into which they fell dead, in mass graves. Such murders came to an end only when replaced by the more efficient method of mass murder represented by gas chambers, which accounted for 4 million more murders of Jews added to the 2 million carried out by mass shootings.

If only the victims had been armed! If the 6 million murdered Jews had been armed, and ready to fight for their lives when the Nazis came for them, they might have been able to make at least one Nazi pay with his life for each Jewish family taken away. That would have worked out to roughly a million Nazis. The anticipation of such an outcome might well have been enough to prevent or at least abort the Nazi's policy of mass extermination. It would have been an enormous illustration of the principle that guns in the hands of victims serve as a control on guns in the hands of murderers or would-be murderers, or aggressors of any kind. In Aurora, in the movie theater where the murders took place, if members of the audience had been permitted to have guns in their possession, the number of victims would almost certainly have been far less. Anyone sitting near the killer and in possession of a gun, would have been able quickly to stop him.

"Any meaningful program of gun control must above all focus on strictly controlling and regulating the activities of the government."

The last thing the United States needs is "gun control" in the sense of depriving its citizens of their right to own guns. What it does need is control over the use of guns by its government.

The people of the United States and their elected representatives have literally lost much of their control over their government and its use of its weapons. Since 1945, the United States has been engaged in four wars — Korea, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq — not declared by Congress, despite the fact that the Constitution clearly provides that Congress shall have the power to declare war. The same process of growing government power, concentrated in the executive branch, that has eliminated the need for Congress to declare war, has removed judicial protection for economic freedom and thus practically all restraint on the power of Congress to interfere in economic activity.

This has resulted in Congress possessing far more power than it is directly capable of exercising, with the further result that it has had to delegate most of its additional lawmaking powers to dozens of independent regulatory agencies. As of December, 2010, these agencies, located in the executive branch, had written a total of 75,000 pages of regulations, each carrying the force of law. The regulatory agencies, moreover, exercise legislative, executive, and judicial power. They act as prosecutor, judge, and jury. Thus, we now have dozens of unelected, unaccountable bodies writing the equivalent of laws and authorizing the use of guns to enforce them. Gun control requires the abolition of such agencies.

The government and its use of its weapons are falling increasingly out of the control of the American people and their elected representatives. A government whose activities are beyond the capability of an intelligent, conscientious representative or senator to understand, is a government that is out control. Those in charge of it do not, and cannot, know what they are doing, despite the fact that they are doing it with guns. Most of them do not even read and carefully study, let alone fully understand, most of the bills they are called to vote upon. Routinely, they enact laws whose consequences they do not know, and whose essential terms they cannot even define. To put it mildly, this is an extremely dangerous state of affairs.

Genuine gun control, not the variety urged by the leftist dominated media, requires a radical rollback in government activity. The rollback must proceed to the point of the government having the authority to use its weapons only against those who have committed acts of aggression, i.e., the initiation of physical force, against the person or property of others. This, of course, includes the use of defensive and retaliatory force against foreign governments that have committed acts of aggression against the United States and its citizens.

Failure to stop and reverse the advance of government power and our and other governments' increasingly uncontrolled threat to use their guns is capable of resulting in a number of people murdered by their governments later in this century far exceeding even the total recorded for the 20th century. The more than a quarter of a billion people murdered by their governments in the last century may well be exceeded by billions of people being murdered by their governments in this century.

Who might want to murder billions of people? Who are the waiting mega-Communists and mega-Nazis of this century that would put such plans into effect if they should ever come to power? They are the people who share such sentiments as those expressed by Britain's Prince Philip when he wrote, "I just wonder what it would be like to be reincarnated in an animal whose species had been so reduced in numbers than it was in danger of extinction. What would be its feelings toward the human species whose population explosion had denied it somewhere to exist.… I must confess that I am tempted to ask for reincarnation as a particularly deadly virus."

The murder of billions of people is implied in the thinking of anyone who holds the belief that there are "too many" billions of people. The billions who constitute the "too many" — the allegedly "surplus," "unnecessary," "environmentally destructive" billions — they are the potential targets of a future mega-holocaust.

"Guns in the hands of victims serve as a control on guns in the hands of murderers or would-be murderers."

True, such a holocaust is not inescapably implied. Population might fall simply as the result of a voluntary fall in the birth rate. Indeed, this has actually taken place in many of the world's advanced economies. And if population does not fall as the cumulative result of voluntary individual choices, or fall "sufficiently" to satisfy the likes of Prince Philip, moral abominations short of mass murder, might also achieve the goal of mass depopulation. Compulsory sterilization and forced abortions, such as practiced in Communist China, come readily to mind. But add a strong enough dose of psychopathic hatred for mankind, plus uncontrolled government power in the hands of the haters, and murder on the scale of billions becomes a definite possibility.

This is the year 2012. How many people in 1912 could have foreseen that in just two years, the world would be plunged into generations of mass killing and mass murder, inspired for the far greater part by the collectivist ideologies of nationalism and socialism? Is it impossible that the world of the years ahead will similarly be marked by the rise of environmentalist dictatorships dedicated to the eradication of the billions, native or foreign, whose existence they perceive as destroying the "environment" or as standing in the way of the living standards of those who will be allowed to remain?

Have the antihuman ideologies already at the fore in the early 20th century been replaced by an ideology of individual rights and economic freedom? Is the world moving away from collectivism and socialism and toward laissez-faire capitalism, or, to the contrary, is even the slightest trace of economic freedom described as laissez-faire and blamed for the existence of the present economic crisis, thereby impelling the world toward still more government control and still less economic freedom?

There is clearly a potential threat to human life and well-being looming on the horizon that is of unprecedented proportions. It is present in the openly expressed hate-filled, murderous ideas of many people. Sooner or later, in response to this or that crisis or series of crises, these ideas will be translated into physical action if not overcome by other, prohuman ideas. The likelihood of a catastrophic outcome is steadily increased by the continuing increase in government power and corresponding reduction in individual freedom. With each passing decade, the United States resembles less and less the country of its founders and more and more a country such as Nazi Germany or Soviet Russia. If the trend of the last several generations continues, it is only a question of time before the United States will become indistinguishable from a totalitarian dictatorship.

To be secure against the threat of a totalitarian regime with a policy of mass murder, or the threat of tyranny of any kind, the American people must retain their right to keep and bear arms and restore it wherever it has been abridged. They must reestablish control over their government. Congress must regain its exclusive right to declare war and its exclusive right to legislate. The courts must be required to uphold economic freedom. The government must be reduced in size and scope to the point that conscientious legislators can understand its operations in detail and be in a position intelligently to enact laws designed to control them. That is what is required to establish genuine, meaningful gun control.

The American people must not allow themselves to be misled into giving up their right to own guns by the occasional, and almost always avoidable, tragedies that accompany gun ownership, such as a small child finding its way to a loaded gun and pulling the trigger. On the basis of such a standard, people would also have to give up driving cars, to avoid the tragedies that often accompany automobile accidents, and also even using horses and buggies, in order to avoid the tragic accidents that can result in connection with them. What must always be kept in mind is the incomparably greater potential danger of untold numbers of children losing their parents and their own lives to government-employed murderers unleashed on a disarmed population.

To impose gun control on their government, the American people need in addition to arm themselves in a way that is more fundamental than merely possessing physical weapons. They need to arm themselves intellectually and morally as well, by reading and studying the works of the great modern defenders of freedom, above all, Ludwig von Mises and Ayn Rand. This will enable them to counter and overcome the vicious ideas that underlie the misuse of government power and its continuing growth. An armament of physical weapons combined with knowledge and moral conviction will ensure that the American people will never find themselves in the position of helpless, terrified people being led as sheep to the slaughter. They will never allow themselves to be either the victims or the perpetrators of a holocaust, for they will have regained control over their government and its use of its weapons. They will have achieved the kind of gun control that secures their lives and property and threatens the lives and property of no one else.

Fuente:

Saludos
Rodrigo González Fernández
Diplomado en "Responsabilidad Social Empresarial" de la ONU
Diplomado en "Gestión del Conocimiento" de la ONU
Diplomado en Gerencia en Administracion Publica ONU
Diplomado en Coaching Ejecutivo ONU( 
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 CEL: 93934521
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Soliciten nuestros cursos de capacitación  y consultoría en GERENCIA ADMINISTRACION PUBLICA -LIDERAZGO -  GESTION DEL CONOCIMIENTO - RESPONSABILIDAD SOCIAL EMPRESARIAL – LOBBY – COACHING EMPRESARIAL-ENERGIAS RENOVABLES   ,  asesorías a nivel nacional e  internacional y están disponibles  para OTEC Y OTIC en Chile

Saturday, August 25, 2012

Anders Behring Breivik in the courtroom,


Fuente:

Saludos
Rodrigo González Fernández
Diplomado en "Responsabilidad Social Empresarial" de la ONU
Diplomado en "Gestión del Conocimiento" de la ONU
Diplomado en Gerencia en Administracion Publica ONU
Diplomado en Coaching Ejecutivo ONU( 
  • PUEDES LEERNOS EN FACEBOOK
 
 
 
 CEL: 93934521
Santiago- Chile
Soliciten nuestros cursos de capacitación  y consultoría en GERENCIA ADMINISTRACION PUBLICA -LIDERAZGO -  GESTION DEL CONOCIMIENTO - RESPONSABILIDAD SOCIAL EMPRESARIAL – LOBBY – COACHING EMPRESARIAL-ENERGIAS RENOVABLES   ,  asesorías a nivel nacional e  internacional y están disponibles  para OTEC Y OTIC en Chile