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Wednesday, December 21, 2011

LAWYERSCHILE>: Free Speech and Occupy Wall Street

Free Speech and Occupy Wall Street

Mises Daily: Wednesday, December 21, 2011 by

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The Space Occupied

The Occupy Wall Street protesters were allowed to remain in New York's Zuccotti Park for two months, against the will of its private owners. They were clearly trespassers, indeed, much worse than garden variety trespassers, who almost always quickly leave. They were there prepared to stay indefinitely. In effect, they were literally attempting to steal the park from its lawful owners.

Nevertheless, they were allowed to remain, in the belief that to eject them would somehow constitute a violation of their freedom of speech. They had seized the park in order to denounce capitalism. Ejecting them, would have ended their use of the park for that purpose and thus, according to virtually everyone with a public voice, from New York's Mayor to the lowliest media reporter, would have violated their freedom of speech.

A major lesson to be learned from the occupation is that hardly anyone nowadays understands the meaning of freedom of speech. Contrary to the prevailing view, freedom of speech is not the ability to say anything, anywhere, at any time. Actual freedom of speech is consistent with respect for property rights. It presupposes that the speaker has the consent of the owners of any property he uses in speaking, such as the land, sound system, or lecture hall or radio or television studio that he uses.

Had the owners of Zuccotti Park invited the protesters to camp on their land and propound their ideas, and then the police had ejected them, the protesters' freedom of speech would in fact have been violated. But that was not the case. The only actual violation of freedom present was the protesters' violation of the freedom of the owners of Zuccotti park to use their property for their own purposes. The protesters did not violate specifically the freedom of speech of the owners, but they certainly did violate their freedom in general with respect to the use of Zuccotti Park. Had the owners wanted to invite some other person or group for the purpose of speaking, then the protesters would have violated the freedom of speech specifically, by means of their presence and their activities.

Nevertheless, by the logic of the prevailing view of freedom of speech, protesters in the future will be able to storm into lecture halls and/or seize radio and television stations in order to deliver their message and then claim that their freedom of speech is violated when the police come to eject them, even though the police in such cases would in fact be acting precisely in order to uphold the freedom of speech. Indeed, since the days of the so-called Free Speech Movement at Berkeley, back in the 1960s, disruptions of speeches delivered by invited guests have occurred repeatedly on college campuses, in the name of the alleged freedom of speech of the disrupters. No attention has been paid to the actual violation of the freedom of speech of the invited speakers.

The prevailing view of freedom of speech is a major threat to freedom of speech. Not only does it provide justification for actual violations of freedom of speech of the kinds just mentioned, but it also makes freedom of speech appear to be a fundamental enemy of rational communication. Speakers cannot address audiences, professors cannot lecture to students if disrupters are permitted to drown them out and then hide behind the claim that they do so in the name of freedom of speech. If the prevailing view of freedom of speech were correct, the ability of speakers to speak and professors to lecture would require accepting the principle of the need to violate freedom of speech.

Of course, the prevailing view is totally incorrect. Actual freedom of speech, based on respect for property owners' rights to use their own property as they see fit, is the guarantor of rational communication. If the property rights of the owners of parks, lecture halls, and radio and television stations are respected, the disrupters will be ejected and very soon will no longer even bother to appear. Rational communication will then proceed without incident.

Upholding freedom of speech and rational communication requires a policy of no tolerance for the occupation of property against the will of its owners. Any such occupation is in violation of the owners' freedom, including their freedom of speech. Protester-occupiers are enemies of freedom, including, above all, freedom of speech.

 

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Rodrigo González Fernández
Diplomado en "Responsabilidad Social Empresarial" de la ONU
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Tuesday, December 20, 2011

North Korea: Kim Jong-il’s Death and the Coming Succession Struggle

North Korea: Kim Jong-il's Death and the Coming Succession Struggle

North Korea's "Dear Leader" Kim Jong-il is dead. There is now no prospect of negotiating and implementing a new nuclear agreement with the North in the near future. The so-called Democratic People's Republic of Korea is likely to be consumed with a power struggle which could turn violent. Washington's best policy option is to step back and observe.

After his stroke three years ago, Kim anointed his youngest son, Kim Jong-un, as his successor. However, the latter Kim has had little time to establish himself. The previous familial power transfer to Kim Jong-il took roughly two decades. There are several potential claimants to supreme authority in the North, and the military may play kingmaker.

Some observers hope for a "Korean Spring," but the DPRK's largely rural population is an unlikely vehicle for change. Urban elites may want reform, but not revolution. If a North Korean Mikhail Gorbachev is lurking in the background, he will have to move slowly to survive.

During this time of political uncertainty no official is likely to have the desire or ability to make a deal yielding up North Korea's nuclear weapons. The leadership will be focused inward and no one is likely to challenge the military, which itself may fracture politically.

Nor is China likely to play a helpful role. Beijing views the status quo as being in its interest. Above all else, China is likely to emphasize stability, though it may very well attempt to influence the succession process outside of public view. But China does not want what America wants, preferring the DPRK's survival, just with more responsible and pliable leadership.

Washington can do little during this process. The United States should maintain its willingness to talk with the North. American officials also should engage Beijing over the future of the peninsula, exploring Chinese concerns and searching for areas of compromise. For instance, Washington should pledge that there would be no American bases or troops in a reunited Korea, which might ease Beijing's fears about the impact of a North Korean collapse.

Most important, the Obama administration should not rush to "strengthen" the alliance with South Korea in response to uncertainty in the North. The Republic of Korea is well able to defend itself. It should take the steps necessary to deter North Korean adventurism and develop its own strategies for dealing with Pyongyang. America should be withdrawing from an expensive security commitment which no longer serves U.S. interests.

Kim Jong-il imposed unimaginable hardship on the North Korean people. However, what follows him could be even worse if an uncertain power struggle breaks down into armed conflict. Other than encourage Beijing to use its influence to bring the Kim dynasty to a merciful end, the United States can—and should—do little more than watch developments in the North.

 

Saludos
Rodrigo González Fernández
Diplomado en "Responsabilidad Social Empresarial" de la ONU
Diplomado en "Gestión del Conocimiento" de la ONU
Diplomado en Gerencia en Administracion Publica ONU
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Friday, December 16, 2011

Emersonian Individualism

Emersonian Individualism

Mises Daily: Friday, December 16, 2011 by

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Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803–1882)

Ralph Waldo Emerson is politically elusive. He's so elusive that thinkers from various schools and with various agendas have appropriated his ideas to validate some activity or another. Harold Bloom once wrote, "In the United States, we continue to have Emersonians of the Left (the post-Pragmatist Richard Rorty) and of the Right (a swarm of libertarian Republicans, who exalt President Bush the Second)."[1] We'll have to excuse Bloom's ignorance of political movements and signifiers — libertarians who exalt President Bush, really? — and focus instead on Bloom's point that Emerson's influence is evident in a wide array of contemporary thinkers and causes.

Bloom is right that what "matters most about Emerson is that he is the theologian of the American religion of Self-Reliance."[2] Indeed, the essay "Self-Reliance" remains the most cited of Emerson's works, and American politicians and intellectuals selectively recycle ideas of self-reliance in the service of often disparate goals.

Emerson doesn't use the term "individualism" in "Self-Reliance," which was published in 1841, when the term "individualism" was just beginning to gain traction. Tocqueville unintentionally popularized the signifier "individualism" with the publication of Democracy in America. He used a French term that had no counterpart in English. Translators of Tocqueville labored over this French term because its signification wasn't part of the English lexicon. Emerson's first mention of "individualism" was not until 1843.

It is clear, though, that Emerson's notion of self-reliance was tied to what later would be called "individualism." Emerson's individualism was so radical that it bordered on self-deification. Only through personal will could one realize the majesty of God. Nature for Emerson was like the handwriting of God, and individuals with a poetical sense — those who had the desire and capability to "read" nature — could understand nature's universal, divine teachings.

Lakes, streams, meadows, forests — these and other phenomena were, according to Emerson, sources of mental and spiritual pleasure or unity. They were what allowed one to become "part and parcel with God," if only one had or could become a "transparent eyeball." "Nothing at last is sacred," Emerson said, "but the integrity of your own mind." That's because a person's intellect translates shapes and forms into spiritual insights.

We cannot judge Emerson exclusively on the basis of his actions. Emerson didn't always seem self-reliant or individualistic. His politics, to the extent that they are knowable, could not be called libertarian. We're better off judging Emerson on the basis of his words, which could be called libertarian, even if they endow individualism with a religiosity that would make some people uncomfortable.

Emerson suggests in "Self-Reliance" that the spontaneous expression of thought or feeling is more in keeping with personal will, and hence with the natural world as constituted by human faculties, than that which is passively assumed or accepted as right or good, or that which conforms to social norms. Emerson's individualism or self-reliance exalted human intuition, which precedes reflection, and it privileged the will over the intellect. Feeling and sensation are antecedent to reason, and Emerson believed that they registered moral truths more important than anything cognition could summon forth.

Emerson's transcendentalism was, as George Santayana pointed out in 1911, a method conducive to the 19-century American mindset.[3] As a relatively new nation seeking to define itself, America was split between two mentalities, or two sources of what Santayana called the "genteel tradition": Calvinism and transcendentalism.

The American philosophical tradition somehow managed to reconcile these seeming dualities. On the one hand, Calvinism taught that the self was bad, that man was depraved by nature and saved only by the grace of God. On the other hand, transcendentalism taught that the self was good, that man was equipped with creative faculties that could divine the presence of God in the world. The Calvinist distrusted impulses and urges as sprung from an inner evil. The transcendentalist trusted impulses and urges as moral intuition preceding society's baseless judgments and prevailing conventions.

What these two philosophies had in common was an abiding awareness of sensation and perception: a belief that the human mind registers external data in meaningful and potentially spiritual ways. The Calvinist notion of limited disclosure — that God reveals his glory through the natural world — played into the transcendentalists' conviction that the natural world supplied instruments for piecing together divinity.

The problem for Santayana is that transcendentalism was just a method, a way of tapping into one's poetical sense. What one did after that was unclear. Santayana thought that transcendentalism was the right method, but he felt that Emerson didn't use that method to instruct us in practical living. Transcendentalism was a means to an end, but not an end itself.

According to Santayana, Emerson "had no system" because he merely "opened his eyes on the world every morning with a fresh sincerity, marking how things seemed to him then, or what they suggested to his spontaneous fancy."[4] Emerson did not seek to group all senses and impressions into a synthetic whole. Nor did he suggest a politics toward which senses and impressions ought to lead. Santayana stops short of accusing Emerson of advancing an "anything-goes" metaphysics. But Santayana does suggest that Emerson failed to advance a set of principles; instead, Emerson gave us a technique for arriving at a set of principles. Emerson provided transportation, but gave no direction. This shortcoming — if it is a shortcoming — might explain why Bloom speaks of the "paradox of Emerson's influence," namely, that "Peace Marchers and Bushians alike are Emerson's heirs in his dialectics of power."[5]

For Emerson, human will is paramount. It moves the intellect to create. It is immediate, not mediate. In other words, it is the sense or subjectivity that is not yet processed by the human mind. We ought to trust the integrity of will and intuition and avoid the dictates and decorum of society.

"Society," Emerson says, "everywhere is in conspiracy against the manhood of every one of its members." Society corrupts the purity of the will by forcing individuals to second-guess their impulses and to look to others for moral guidance. Against this socialization, Emerson declares, "Whoso would be a man, must be a nonconformist."

Emerson's nonconformist ethic opposed habits of thinking, which society influenced but did not determine. Emerson famously stated that a foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds. What he meant, I think, is that humans ought to improve themselves by tapping into intuitive truths. Nature, with her figures, forms, and outlines, provides images that the individual can harness to create beauty and energize the self. Beauty therefore does not exist in the world; rather, the human mind makes beauty out of the externalities it has internalized. Beauty, accordingly, resides within us, but only after we create it.

Here we see something similar to Ayn Rand's Objectivism stripped of its appeals to divinity. Rand believed that reality existed apart from the thinking subject, that the thinking subject employs reason and logic to make sense of experience and perception, and that the self or will is instrumental in generating meaning from the phenomenal world.

Like Emerson, who did not want to deny the self by sacrificing it to social criteria for moral rightness or propriety, Rand believed that the self was the basis of ethics. The moral purpose of the individual, for her, entailed the rational pursuit of self-interest and happiness. This pursuit is possible only in certain systems of human organization, and the one Rand deemed most suitable for human flourishing was capitalism (which arguably is not a system but a result of spontaneous orders or a framework enabling spontaneous orders). In capitalism, art prospers because human creativity prospers; capitalism enables beauty, images, and shapes that help us to refine our metaphysics and to represent "the real."

Even Ludwig von Mises seems to have been influenced, if not directly by Emerson, then by those who were influenced by Emerson. Mises criticizes the "doctrines of universalism, conceptual realism, holism, collectivism, and some representatives of Gestaltpsychologie" for maintaining that "society is an entity living its own life, independent of and separate from the lives of the various individuals."[6] When Mises criticizes universalism and collectivism as "systems of theocratic government,"[7] he turns to William James, himself an Emersonian and one who influenced Henry Hazlitt.[8] James supplies Mises with an argument for distinguishing religion from theocracy, and Mises seems to support James's notion of religion as, in Mises's words, "a purely personal and individual relation between man and a holy, mysterious, and awe-inspiring divine Reality."[9] Although Mises never cites Emerson in Human Action, Mises does trope Emerson by discussing the "Creative Genius," the man "whose deeds and ideas cut out new paths for mankind."[10]

Art and beauty have the potential to stimulate sensation and emotion; they have the potential to substantiate the extraordinary powers of human intellect. Just as Rand believed in the heroism of the individual, so Emerson believed that a self-reliant mind with a poetical sense could not only trust his impressions about the external world, but also act upon that trust. That does not mean that the individual is necessarily unbounded, only that the individual establishes his own boundaries and sets his own priorities.

Emerson and Rand celebrate the ability of the human mind to create beauty, to generate meaning, to produce tangibles from intangibles, and to construct realities based on which and because of which we are prepared to act. This function of the imagination — is it too much to call it genius? — is not realized by everyone. Some go through life without self-examination and without questioning their surroundings or envisioning new surroundings, new possibilities, and new ways of thinking. These individuals lack or repress imagination and creativity. Even writers like Walt Whitman never demonstrate the powers of selfhood, the sheer strength of human will.

Whitman obstructed the will to make himself receptive to everything and everyone. He buried the will beneath a mountain of abstractions and random experiences. Santayana explains that in Whitman "democracy is carried into psychology and morals" insofar as the "various sights, moods, and emotions are given each one vote; they are declared to be all free and equal, and the innumerable commonplace moments of life are suffered to speak like the others."[11] The slave driver is as much a part of Whitman as the slave.

Whitman never distinguishes between good and bad, right and wrong, practical and impractical, reality and fancy. He never discriminates. He becomes, in Santayana's words, an "unintellectual," "lazy," and "self-indulgent" pantheist because he merely internalizes all things, accords them equal weight, refuses to challenge their validity or viability and so expresses poetry that is presentist and value-free, so much so that it degenerates into gushes of arbitrary feeling.[12]

Emersonian individualism is not arbitrary in this sense. It is purposeful. It differentiates and distinguishes between people and groups, good and evil, referents that are conducive to poetry and referents that are not. Whitman delighted in popularity. Emerson delighted in standing apart from others. "It is easy in the world to live after the world's opinion," Emerson once said, adding, "it is easy in solitude to live after our own; but the great man is he who in the midst of the crowd keeps with perfect sweetness the independence of solitude."

If we take Emerson at his word, he does not seem to care whether he is misunderstood. Indeed, he submits that Pythagoras, Copernicus, Galileo, and Newton were misunderstood. "Is it so bad, then, to be misunderstood?" Emerson asked, and then answered, "to be great is to be misunderstood."

Emerson is still misunderstood, but his influence on American thought is unmistakable. He refused to tacitly accept inherited and imported orthodoxies, although he was bent on validating traditional notions of truth using new methods. Those who have inveighed against Emerson too often misconstrue or misrepresent his nuanced philosophy.

Emerson is not easy to understand. His texts demand many rereadings. His essays experimented with new techniques for clarifying old ideas, to which he gave exhilarating expression in the vocabularies of individualism and self-reliance. Perhaps the most telling legacy of this winsome philosopher is that so many people claim that "Emerson was one of us." The term "us" suggests that there's still more to learn from Emerson, that the ethic of self-reliance continues to struggle against presumptions and habits of thinking. To say that Emerson is "one of us" is to miss the points Emerson made. One ought to read Emerson not because one is told to do so, but because one wills oneself to do so.

Notes

[1] Harold Bloom. Where Shall Wisdom Be Found? (Riverhead Books, 2004), p. 190.

[2] Bloom at 190.

[3] See George Santayana, "The Genteel Tradition," in The Genteel Tradition in American Philosophy and Character and Opinion in the United States," edited by James Seaton (Yale University Press, 2009), p. 9.

[4] Santayana at 9.

[5] Bloom at 198.

[6] Ludwig Von Mises. Human Action. The Scholar's Edition. Auburn, AL: Ludwig Vone Mises Institute, 1998) at 145.

[7] Mises at 150-51.

[8] See Allen Mendenhall. "Henry Hazlitt, Literary Critic." Mises Daily. June 6, 2011.

[9] Mises at 156.

[10] Mises at 138.

[11] Santayana at 12.

[12] Santayana at 12-13.


 

 

Saludos
Rodrigo González Fernández
Diplomado en "Responsabilidad Social Empresarial" de la ONU
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Thursday, December 15, 2011

The Power of Ideas at Work


The Power of Ideas at Work

Mises Daily: Thursday, December 15, 2011 by

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Donate 2012

Dear Friend,

Remember the promises of economic recovery? Two presidents have now made them and spent (and printed) many trillions to see them come true. There was QE1, QE2, Operation Twist, and thousands of other tricks.

And yet the economy is sinking ever more. Incomes are falling more now than two years ago. Job prospects for young people are in the pits. This entire fiasco represents one of the great failures of the state and the economic theories the state has tried. They promised a dream and delivered disaster.

The Mises Institute has been the one consistent voice of opposition from the very beginning of this crisis. We stood nearly alone against Bush's bailout schemes and continued that opposition through the Obama years. Not only that: our editorials and publications had warned of the crisis before it happened.

We've prepared for this opportunity for 30 years with conferences, books, fellowships, and programs of every sort. We had every technology in place and many thousands of intellectuals around the world who have learned from what the Mises Institute does.

This is why this crisis has brought all new attention to the Austrian School of economics, as represented in the writings of Mises, Rothbard, Hayek, Hazlitt, and their entire tradition. This is the power of ideas at work — and good ideas are more effective than all the propaganda that the state can dish out.

This is why we hope we can count on your most generous donation going forward into next year. We cannot miss this opportunity. We want to do more than we've ever done before to flood the world with truth.

Truly, for the first time, the Austrians are leading the debate. We've seized the moment to educate the world about the economics of liberty. Mises's name and the Austrian School in general are in the press. Even contenders for the GOP nomination are scrambling to identify with the Austrians so they can keep up with the intellectual appeal of Ron Paul.

What's more, the Keynesians are under fire. Chairman Ben Bernanke was supposed to be a world-renowned expert of the Great Depression. Only two years ago, he was TIME's Person of the Year. The politicians gave him a free hand to do what he needed to do.

What's the excuse now? We are told that the central bankers just haven't done enough yet. They just haven't pulled the right monetary lever or pushed the right liquidity button. The money masters will stumble onto the right equation soon. People just have not been cooperating with the models.

Who believes this anymore? Unemployment was supposed to end two years ago, and yet one in five people in this country is unemployed. Nearly 50 million Americans obtain their groceries with food stamps.

Even now, Washington is living high on the hog. There is plenty of money sloshing around Wall Street.

"The Austrian School isn't just part of the conversation; it is the conversation."

Who has the answers? The Chicago School isn't on the tip of anyone's tongue. Neoclassical economics isn't a part of the debate. No, it's all Austrian that matters this time. The Keynesians vs. the Austrians is the fight of the century, playing out day after day on television and in print media.

How could this be? Thirty years ago the Austrian School was nearly forgotten. As Murray Rothbard explained in an interview 20 years ago, an entire generation of Austrians had been wiped out by the New Deal. When Rothbard was writing Man, Economy, and State, he was a young man in his twenties and completely alone. At the same time, Mises was in his sixties, while Hayek and Hazlitt were in their fifties. There was no one in between.

Murray's work made the Austrian School survive through the 1980s and beyond. It could have been lost again during Obama's Newer Deal, but it has not and will not: because of your support for the Mises Institute. The Institute will turn 30 next year. And for three decades Lew Rockwell and the Mises Institute have fought against the Keynesians and the statists that preach on college campuses and in Washington, DC.

The Institute has stuck to its guns and it's paying off. The Austrian School isn't just part of the conversation; it is the conversation. Mises Institute staff and scholars are explaining the free market from the Austrian perspective on television, at congressional hearings, in academic journals, on films, and in articles that appear around the world every single day. Radio appearances and articles in mainstream print media by Institute staff, faculty, and former fellows are too numerous to count.

The Federal Reserve is under pressure like never before. Did you ever expect that in your lifetime there would be protest rallies in front of Federal Reserve offices? It's remarkable. And if you talk to the people behind them, they will tell you: their inspiration comes from the Mises Institute. Not since Andrew Jackson took down the Second Bank of the United States have America's central bankers felt such heat.

But we must keep the heat on. While the media is starting to pay attention, the Keynesian doctrine of more government spending, manipulated lower interest rates, and central planning of the economy is still the paradigm in the nation's classrooms and the back rooms where government policy is made.

The state and its apologists will not go away easily. The facts will not get in their way.

More and cheaper money benefits those in government. The idea that academics can manage an economy appeals to campus Keynesians who have never run a business or made a payroll. The real economy of voluntary exchanges is foreign to them and fraught with danger. They are convinced that government must police the market, taking care of the weak and controlling the strong.

"Because of you, the Mises Institute has breathed life back into the Austrian School."

The donors to the Mises Institute know that it is actually the free market, with people spending their own money as they please, that makes for a prosperous and free world. Our supporters know that capital and savings cannot be created with a printing press. They know students must learn that only the forgoing of consumption creates the capital needed to finance future prosperity.

A recent study found that the majority of high-school students have no economic education at all. For example, they believe that the government sets the prices of all goods. They have never been introduced to the concept of supply and demand and the mutual satisfaction of trade. Public schools indoctrinate young people into believing that government is omnipotent and that their best options in life amount to jobs as government bureaucrats.

Sadly, this ignorance can continue through college and even graduate school, unless they are introduced to sound economics. Young people must be taught that it is entrepreneurs, like so many supporters of the Institute who own their own businesses, who create wealth and jobs for everyone. Those making a million dollars a year should be cheered and thanked, not slapped with surtaxes to decrease their incentive to produce.

Because of you, the Mises Institute has breathed life back into the Austrian School. And it is the Austrians who stand alone in the fight against Keynesian statism. If not for the Austrians, there would be no answer to the Keynesians. Because the monetarists and neoclassicals are just Keynesian Lite, believing their equations can predict and their government policies will work.

That's why it's left to us to educate young students in the Misesian and Rothbardian tradition. It is not enough to seek kinder, gentler bureaucrats and better monetary policy. What we need is free markets and sound money without compromise.

In 2011, we held more teaching events than ever, including our famous Mises University program. Our website hosted 1.4 million visitors every month. We published books and articles as never before. The media appearances were constant. Our offices were busier than ever, the very center of the global resistance to statism and the global font of economic truth.

We want to do this again in 2012 and even step it up. We cannot rest. But we also need resources to continue this pace. We've never faced this opportunity in our lifetimes, and we do not know how long it will last. This is the time to act. We hope we can have your highest possible level of support.

Donate 2012

Gifts of $100, $500, $1,000 are fantastic. But consider making the biggest investment possible in the work of liberty with a more substantial gift. We need your help to achieve the dream of every great thinker who has ever worked for liberty.

The Mises Institute is the real thing: not pulling any punches or backing away. Now is the time to strike a blow for liberty. We can't let this moment pass. We have the Keynesians on the run. Now is the time to deliver the knockout blow to every form of statism. We have the ideas that are needed to build a future of liberty.

Please give generously.

: http://mises.org/daily/5823/The-Power-of-Ideas-at-Work

Saludos
Rodrigo González Fernández
Diplomado en "Responsabilidad Social Empresarial" de la ONU
Diplomado en "Gestión del Conocimiento" de la ONU
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Wednesday, December 14, 2011

Will Nickels and Pennies Soon Disappear?

Will Nickels and Pennies Soon Disappear?

Mises Daily: Tuesday, December 13, 2011 by 

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Back in December 2006, the US Mint, in yet another power grab over economic life, made it illegal to melt pennies and nickels in addition to exporting large quantities of either. Though the Mint admitted there was no evidence coin melting was occurring, this was the government's attempt at being proactive to prevent the destruction of its legally imposed currency.

So why the concern over people melting down coinage that supposedly belongs to them?

Back when the ban was implemented, the high price of copper was responsible for driving up the price of individual nickels and pennies in terms of metal content. Due to their copper content (nickels minted between 1946 and 2011 are composed of 75 percent copper and pennies minted between 1909 and 1982 are composed of 95 percent copper), both coins have a higher value as metal than as legal tender.

The irony in the government banning the melting of its own issued currency lies in the fact that its own actions contribute to the higher price of copper. Whenever the Federal Reserve engages in dollar easing (read: money printing), this newly printed "wealth" often translates into higher stock and commodity prices. Even the very announcement of increased monetary intervention by Fed officials, including Chairman Ben Bernanke, tends to boost market confidence as stocks rally almost immediately. Recently, commodities and stocks soared when the Fed lowered the interest rate it charges for foreign central banks to utilize its dollar swap lines without explicitly mentioning its intention to sterilize such transactions to prevent an increase in its balance sheet.

Basically, the Fed once again told the world that it opened up the dollar floodgates just a bit more to offset a crisis in Europe.

Along with its intention to hold short-term interest rates near zero until "mid 2013," Bernanke and company are standing by ready to keep borrowing costs suppressed by entering into the market to purchase treasuries. Presently the M2 money supply has been growing at a 15 percent annual rate for the past 6 months:

Figure 1
(Chart via FRED)

So what does all this mean for nickels and pennies minted prior to 1983?

Gresham's law, named after Sir Thomas Gresham, who was a financial agent of the English Crown in the 16th century, states that overvalued money drives undervalued money out of circulation: "bad money drives out good" for short. More accurately, the law should state something along the lines of "government-enforced parities that alter the market value of money have the effect that overvalued money drives out undervalued money." Because in a free market those products and goods that are of higher value stick around longer than low-quality products, Gresham's law only applies when government monetary intervention is present.

To help understand the effect of Gresham's law, Jörg Guido Hülsmann provides a simple thought construct in The Ethics of Money Production:

Suppose for example that both gold and silver are legal tender in Prussia, at a fiat exchange rate of 1/20. Suppose further that the market rate is 1/15. This means that people who owe 20 ounces of silver may discharge their obligation by paying only 1 ounce of gold, even though they thereby pay 33 percent less than they would have had to pay on the free market. Prussians will therefore stop making any further contracts that stipulate silver payments to protect themselves from the possibility of being paid in gold; rather they will begin to stipulate gold payments right away in all further contracts. And another mechanism operates to the same effect. People will sell their silver to the residents of other countries, say England, where the Prussian fiat exchange rate is not enforced and where they can therefore get more gold for their silver. The bottom-line is that silver vanishes from circulation in Prussia; and only gold continues to be used in domestic payments. The overvalued money (here: gold) drives the undervalued money (here: silver) out of the market.

So with nickels worth slightly more than 5¢ and pennies minted before 1982 worth almost 3¢ due to their copper content, it isn't hard to imagine that they will someday disappear from circulation as the Fed continues to expand its monetary base. Kyle Bass, who heads the hedge fund Hayman Capital Management, has already purchased $1 million worth of nickels according toBusiness Insider. For any more proof that the 5¢ and certain 1¢ pieces may disappear soon, just consider how many Roosevelt dimes or Washington quarters minted pre-1965 you see around today. Both are composed of 90 percent silver and are worth far more for their metal content than they are as legal tender.

Anyone looking to make a small investment might think twice about throwing nickels or pre-1983 pennies into a jar with the rest of their accumulated change.


Fuente:

Saludos
Rodrigo González Fernández
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